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Low-income immigrants are less likely to receive means-tested
public benefits than are low-income U.S. citizens. Immigrants’ low use
of public benefits is not due solely to restrictions placed on their
eligibility for various programs. Even immigrants who are eligible are
less likely to receive benefits than U.S. citizens. This
issue brief examines
immigrant s’ use of health services and public benefits, and reviews some
of the reasons why immigrants should be granted the same access to
public benefits as U.S. citizens.
Immigrants Use Less Health
Care on Average Than U.S. Citizens Do
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The average immigrant utilizes less than half the dollar
amount of health care services as the average native-born citizen.
According to a study by Dr. Sarita Mohanty, U.S.-born persons receive
about $2,546 per capita in health care, compared to only $1,139 for
immigrants.[1]
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Private insurers pay for more than half of
health care expenditures for immigrants; only about one-fourth of health
care expenditures for immigrants are reimbursed by government programs.[2]
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The oft-repeated claim that immigrants are
responsible for high rates of emergency room (ER) usage is contradicted
by research. Communities with high rates of emergency room usage tend
to have relatively small percentages of noncitizen residents.[3] Metropolitan areas with high immigrant populations such as
Miami-Dade County and Phoenix have much lower rates of ER use than do
areas with low numbers of immigrants, such as Cleveland.
Low-income Immigrants Are
Less Likely to Receive Public Benefits Than Are U.S. Citizens
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Low-income citizen children with citizen
parents are almost twice as likely to receive Medicaid or State
Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) coverage as are low-income
children who are not citizens. Only one in four low-income children who
are not citizens have Medicaid coverage, compared to almost two out of
every four low-income children who are citizens. Similarly, low-income
parents who were born in the U.S. are much more likely to receive
Medicaid or SCHIP coverage than parents who are noncitizens.[4]
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Noncitizens are much less likely to receive
food stamps than are citizens. While noncitizens represent
approximately 8 percent of the U.S. population, only about 3 percent of
individuals receiving food stamps are noncitizens.[5]
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Like most other means-tested federal
programs, the Food Stamp Program imposes harsh restrictions on
eligibility that apply only to immigrants. However, low usage of food
stamps by noncitizens is not due simply to these restrictions.
According to the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, those noncitizens who are
eligible for food stamps are significantly less likely to receive them
than are all individuals who are eligible for the program — for example,
about 45 percent of eligible noncitizens received food stamps in 2002,
compared to almost 60 percent of eligible individuals overall.[6]

Federal Law Imposes Harsh
Restrictions on Immigrants’ Eligibility for Public Benefits that Don’t
Apply to Other Residents
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Undocumented immigrants are not eligible for federal
public benefits, such as income supplements (e.g., Social Security,
Supplemental Security Income (SSI), and Temporary Assistance for Needy
Families (TANF)), health care (Medicaid and Medicare), and food stamps.
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Federal law also imposes harsh restrictions on lawfully
present immigrants’ eligibility for public benefits. Most documented
immigrants cannot receive federal Medicaid, TANF, food stamps, or SSI
during their first five years or longer in the U.S., regardless of how
much they have worked or paid in taxes. These punitive restrictions
depart from the traditional principle that immigrants, who have the same
obligation to pay taxes and meet other civic duties as citizens, should
not be subject to a separate, stricter set of eligibility rules.
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Many states view these restrictions as unfair and
detrimental to the health and well being of the public. Over half have
used their own funds to ensure that immigrant families who were rendered
ineligible for federal benefits can secure critical services.
Immigrants Should Have the
Same Access to Essential Services as U.S. Citizens
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Children of immigrant families will play an important
role in the nation’s future. Most children of immigrants will be
lifelong U.S. residents and will become part of the nation’s workforce.
Some will serve in the U.S. military; some will become teachers and
doctors; some will perform difficult labor, or work in other essential
fields. Immigrant children, like U.S. citizen children, need access to
health care, nutrition, and basic services that help them grow, learn,
and become productive adults and workers.
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Policies that help immigrant children become successful
adults are squarely in the national interest. It is shortsighted and
would undermine important public policy goals to deny noncitizen
children the same access to health care, adequate nutrition, and stable
housing as citizen children.
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More generally, immigrants make a variety of
economic, social and cultural contributions to the United States and, as
taxpayers, are obligated to pay taxes that fund public benefits.
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One aspect of immigrants’ civic contributions that
is often overlooked is their military service. As of April 2003, there
were almost 70,000 immigrants serving in the armed forces of the United
States, about half of whom were not citizens. Immigrants are required
to register with the Selective Service and, if a draft were instituted,
would be required to serve if drafted.[7] Moreover,
one in five recipients of the Congressional Medal of Honor are
foreign-born, and a significant number of soldiers killed or wounded in
the Iraq war are immigrants.
Opponents of Immigration
Commonly Fail to Acknowledge the Overall Benefits of Immigration
Writing more than sixty years ago, a noted
historian of immigration observed that “by long established custom
whoever speaks of immigration must refer to it as a ‘problem.’”[8] In current debates, opponents of immigration commonly frame
immigration as a “problem” by using overheated rhetoric about costs of
immigration — rhetoric that fails to acknowledge that the economic
benefits of immigration far exceed its costs and that immigrants
actually tend to use public benefits and other services less frequently
than citizens.
This rhetoric has had harmful policy consequences. In 1996,
Congress imposed extensive and unprecedented restrictions on the
eligibility of lawfully present immigrants for subsidized health
insurance and various other public benefits, despite the fact that
immigrants are obligated to pay taxes to support these benefits. More
recently, opponents of comprehensive immigration reform have relied on
this rhetoric to stall immigration legislation that has broad public
support. A balanced assessment of the evidence leads to the inescapable
conclusion that the benefits of immigration far outweigh the costs.
Moreover, ensuring that immigrants who live, work, and pay taxes in U.S.
communities have the same access to essential services will improve
public health and the well-being of all people living in the United
States, not just immigrants.
[1] Sarita A. Mohanty, “Unequal Access: Immigrants and U.S. Health
Care” (Immigration Policy Center, July 2006).
[3] Peter Cunningham, “What Accounts for Differences in the Use of
Hospital Emergency Departments Across U.S. Communities?”
Health Affairs,
July 18, 2006.
[4] Leighton Ku, Shawn Fremstad, and Matthew Broaddus, “Noncitizens’
Use of Public Benefits Has Declined Since 1996” (Center on
Budget and Policy Priorities, Apr. 2003).
[5] U.S. Dept. of Agriculture,
Characteristics of Food Stamp Households: Fiscal Year 2003
(Nov. 2004).
[6] Karen Cunningham, “Food Stamp Program Participation Rates: 2003” (Mathematica
Policy Research Inc, July 2005).
[7] Elizabeth Grieco, “The Foreign Born in the Armed Forces”
(Migration Policy Institute, July 1, 2003).
[8] Marcus Lee Hansen, “The Problem of the Third Generation
Immigrant,” Augustana
Historical Society Publications, 1938, quoted in Richard
Vedder and others, “The Immigration Problem: Then and Now,”
The Independent Review, Winter 2000, 1999, at 348,
www.independent.org/pdf/tir/tir_04_3_vedder.pdf.
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