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Gang bill would expand "crime of violence" definition and otherwise negatively impact noncitizens

Immigrants' Rights Update, Vol. 19, Issue 5, October 5, 2005


     If enacted, the Gang Deterrence and Community Protection Act (HR 1279), which the U.S. House of Representatives passed on May 11, 2005, would have a harmful impact on many youth who are suspected of belonging to a gang, but it would have an especially detrimental impact on immigrants.  While gang crime is a very serious issue, the supporters of HR 1279 are using the issue of gang violence to further erode the due process rights of immigrants.

     In general, this bill would increase penalties for gang activity, such as making capital punishment available for a wide range of gang-related crimes and establishing new mandatory minimum sentences.  The bill would expand the definition of a "crime of violence" and authorize the attorney general to prosecute as an adult any juvenile who committed this type of crime after his or her sixteenth birthday.  Under the expanded definition, a crime of violence would include any offense that is punishable by more than one year of prison and that involves a substantial risk that physical injury to another person or to a person's property may result.  Under this definition, many acts that do not lead to any physical injury can be interpreted by a judge as a crime of violence. 

     If the definition of "crime of violence" were expanded in this way, the definition of "aggravated felony" in immigration law would also be automatically expanded.  Immigrants convicted of aggravated felonies face harsh penalties, including detention without bond as well as removal from the U.S.  In most such cases removal is a foregone conclusion, and immigration judges have no discretion to consider the hardship that would result.  The definition of "aggravated felony" is already broad and can include relatively minor offenses, such as shoplifting.  The House also approved an amendment to HR 1279 offered by Rep. Bob Goodlatte (R-VA) that would add five years to violent crime and drug trafficking sentences when the violator is an undocumented immigrant and fifteen years to sentences of violators who have previously been deported for a criminal offense.  Because of this provision, individuals who commit the same crime would face different punishments based on their immigration status. 

     Another amendment that passed would direct the Dept. of Homeland Security to provide information on all non-U.S. citizens who have final orders of removal, who have signed a voluntary departure agreement, or who have overstayed their visa to the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) database.  As a result, even information regarding noncitizens who have obtained lawful status or have already left the U.S., but who fit one of the new qualifications, would be added to the database.  Information regarding noncitizens who have never even received their final order of removal would also be included.  In addition, this provision would expand dramatically the number of noncriminal offences that are included in a database that is meant for criminal justice information.  Because state and local police routinely check the NCIC regarding individuals whom they stop for suspected traffic violations or other infractions, the inclusion of this data in the NCIC database has the de facto effect of enlisting these officers in immigration enforcement.

     In 2001, information regarding individuals who had committed one of two types of immigration violation started to be added to the NCIC database.  One type of violator whose information was added to the database was an "absconder," or a person who had received an administrative order of removal and unlawfully remained in the U.S.  The other individuals about whom information was added were those who violated the requirements of the National Security Entry Exit Registration System (NSEERS), a program that required registration of individuals who fit a national security risk profile.  The entry of this information into the NCIC database exacerbated the potential for racial profiling by local police all over the country, who regularly use the NCIC database, since individuals forced to register under the NSEERS were predominately Arab and Muslim men.  This new practice also marked the first time information regarding civil violations was entered into the NCIC database, an act that was not authorized by Congress (as its name implies, the NCIC historically has been a repository of information about violators of criminal law).  By authorizing the addition of new types of immigration-related information into the NCIC database, HR 1279 could have damaging consequences on many immigrants, including those who have violated neither criminal nor immigration statutes.  For example, information regarding a person who is issued a final order of removal and complies with the order would still be entered into the database.  If that person were granted entry into the U.S. at some future time, his or her information might not be updated in the database, and the person would be at risk of an unlawful arrest by police if, upon stopping the person for a traffic violation, for example, an officer fed the person's name into the database and received back outdated information. 

     Sen. Diane Feinstein (D-CA) has introduced S. 155, the Gang Prevention and Effective Deterrence Act, in the Senate.  Her bill does not contain the same troubling immigration provisions as the House bill does, but if her bill passes, those provisions could become part of the conference report (the final version of a bill that emerges after the Senate and House versions have been reconciled by a conference committee consisting of members of each house).  In addition, HR 2933, the Alien Gang Removal Act, has been introduced in the House by Rep. Randy Forbes (R-VA).  This bill would make an immigrant removable and ineligible for admission into the U.S. if he or she has previously been deported for criminal gang activity or if a consular officer or the secretary of Homeland Security merely has reasonable grounds to believe that he or she is a member of a gang. 

—By Jennifer Hojaiban, NILC research associate

 

 

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